III.80: And now when five days were gone, and the hubbub had settled down, the
conspirators met together to consult about the situation of affairs. At this meeting
speeches were made, to which many of the Hellenes give no credence, but they were made
nevertheless. Otanes recommended that the management of public affairs should be entrusted
to the whole nation. "To me," he said, "it seems advisable, that we should
no longer have a single man to rule over us---the rule of one is neither good nor
pleasant. You cannot have forgotten to what lengths Cambyses went in his haughty tyranny,
and the haughtiness of the Magi you have yourselves experienced. How indeed is it possible
that monarchy should be a well-adjusted thing, when it allows a man to do as he likes
without being answerable? Such licence is enough to stir strange and unwonted thoughts in
the heart of the worthiest of men. Give a person this power, and straightway his manifold
good things puff him up with pride, while envy is so natural to human kind that it cannot
but arise in him. But pride and envy together include all wickedness---both of them
leading on to deeds of savage violence.
True it is that kings, possessing as they do all that heart can desire, ought to be
void of envy; but the contrary is seen in their conduct towards the citizens. They are
jealous of the most virtuous among their subjects, and wish their death; while they take
delight in the meanest and basest, being ever ready to listen to the tales of slanderers.
A king, besides, is beyond all other men inconsistent with himself. Pay him court in
moderation, and he is angry because you do not show him more profound respect--- show him
profound respect, and he is offended again, because (as he says) you fawn on him. But the
worst of all is, that he sets aside the laws of the land, puts men to death without trial,
and subjects women to violence. The rule of the many, on the other hand, has, in the first
place, the fairest of names, to wit, isonomy; and further it is free from all those
outrages which a king is wont to commit. There, places are given by lot, the magistrate is
answerable for what he does, and measures rest with the commonalty. I vote, therefore,
that we do away with monarchy, and raise the people to power. For the people are all in
III.81: Such were the sentiments of Otanes. Megabyzus spoke next, and advised
the setting up of an oligarchy: "In all that Otanes has said to persuade you to put
down monarchy," he observed, "I fully concur; but his recommendation that we
should call the people to power seems to me not the best advice. For there is nothing so
void of understanding, nothing so full of wantonness, as the unwieldy rabble. It were
folly not to be borne, for men, while seeking to escape the wantonness of a tyrant, to
give themselves up to the wantonness of a rude unbridled mob. The tyrant, in all his
doings, at least knows what is he about, but a mob is altogether devoid of knowledge; for
how should there be any knowledge in a rabble, untaught, and with no natural sense of what
is right and fit? It rushes wildly into state affairs with all the fury of a stream
swollen in the winter, and confuses everything. Let the enemies of the Persians be ruled
by democracies; but let us choose out from the citizens a certain number of the worthiest,
and put the government into their hands. For thus both we ourselves shall be among the
governors, and power being entrusted to the best men, it is likely that the best counsels
will prevail in the state."
III.82: This was the advice which Megabyzus gave, and after him Darius came
forward, and spoke as follows: "All that Megabyzus said against democracy was well
said, I think; but about oligarchy he did not speak advisedly; for take these three forms
of government---democracy, oligarchy, and monarchy---and let them each be at their best, I
maintain that monarchy far surpasses the other two. What government can possibly be better
than that of the very best man in the whole state? The counsels of such a man are like
himself, and so he governs the mass of the people to their heart's content; while at the
same time his measures against evil-doers are kept more secret than in other states.
Contrariwise, in oligarchies, where men vie with each other in the service of the
commonwealth, fierce enmities are apt to arise between man and man, each wishing to be
leader, and to carry his own measures; whence violent quarrels come, which lead to open
strife, often ending in bloodshed. Then monarchy is sure to follow; and this too shows how
far that rule surpasses all others.
Again, in a democracy, it is impossible but that there will be malpractices: these
malpractices, however, do not lead to enmities, but to close friendships, which are formed
among those engaged in them, who must hold well together to carry on their villainies. And
so things go on until a man stands forth as champion of the commonalty, and puts down the
evil-doers. Straightway the author of so great a service is admired by all, and from being
admired soon comes to be appointed king; so that here too it is plain that monarchy is the
best government. Lastly, to sum up all in a word, whence, I ask, was it that we got the
freedom which we enjoy? Did democracy give it us, or oligarchy, or a monarch? As a single
man recovered our freedom for us, my sentence is that we keep to the rule of one. Even
apart from this, we ought not to change the laws of our forefathers when they work fairly;
for to do so is not well."
III.83: Such were the three opinions brought forward at this meeting; the four
other Persians voted in favor of the last. Otanes, who wished to give his countrymen a
democracy, when he found the decision against him, arose a second time, and spoke thus
before the assembly: "Brother conspirators, it is plain that the king who is to be
chosen will be one of ourselves, whether we make the choice by casting lots for the prize,
or by letting the people decide which of us they will have to rule over them, in or any
other way. Now, as I have neither a mind to rule nor to be ruled, I shall not enter the
lists with you in this matter. I withdraw, however, on one condition---none of you shall
claim to exercise rule over me or my seed for ever." The six agreed to these terms,
and Otanes withdraw and stood aloof from the contest. And still to this day the family of
Otanes continues to be the only free family in Persia; those who belong to it submit to
the rule of the king only so far as they themselves choose; they are bound, however, to
observe the laws of the land like the other Persians.
III.84: After this the six took counsel together, as to the fairest way of
setting up a king: and first, with respect to Otanes, they resolved, that if any of their
own number got the kingdom, Otanes and his seed after him should receive year by year, as
a mark of special honor, a Median robe, and all such other gifts as are accounted the most
honorable in Persia. And these they resolved to give him, because he was the man who first
planned the outbreak, and who brought the seven together. These privileges, therefore,
were assigned specially to Otanes. The following were made common to them all: It was to
be free to each, whenever he pleased, to enter the palace unannounced, unless the king
were in the company of one of his wives; and the king was to be bound to marry into no
family excepting those of the conspirators. Concerning the appointment of a king, the
resolve to which they came was the following: They would ride out together next morning
into the skirts of the city, and he whose steed first neighed after the sun was up should
have the kingdom.
III.85: Now Darius had a groom, a sharp-witted knave, called Oibares. After the
meeting had broken up, Darius sent for him, and said, "Oibares, this is the way in
which the king is to be chosen---we are to mount our horses, and the man whose horse first
neighs after the sun is up is to have the kingdom. If then you have any cleverness,
contrive a plan whereby the prize may fall to us, and not go to another."
"Truly, master," Oibares answered, "if it depends on this whether you shall
be king or no, set your heart at ease, and fear nothing: I have a charm which is sure not
to fail." "If you have really anything of the kind," said Darius,
"hasten to get it ready. The matter does not brook delay, for the trial is to be
tomorrow." So Oibares when he heard that, did as follows: When night came, he took
one of the mares, the chief favorite of the horse which Darius rode, and tethering it in
the suburb, brought his master's horse to the place; then, after leading him round and
round the mare several times, nearer and nearer at each circuit, he ended by letting them
III.86: And now, when the morning broke, the six Persians, according to
agreement, met together on horseback, and rode out to the suburb. As they went along they
neared the spot where the mare was tethered the night before, whereupon the horse of
Darius sprang forward and neighed. just at the same time, though the sky was clear and
bright, there was a flash of lightning, followed by a thunderclap. It seemed as if the
heavens conspired with Darius, and hereby inaugurated him king: so the five other nobles
leaped with one accord from their steeds, and bowed down before him and owned him for
III.87: This is the account which some of the Persians gave of the contrivance
of Oibares; but there are others who relate the matter differently. They say that in the
morning he stroked the mare with his hand, which he then hid in his trousers until the sun
rose and the horses were about to start, when he suddenly drew his hand forth and put it
to the nostrils of his master's horse, which immediately snorted and neighed.
III.88: Thus was Darius, son of Hystaspes, appointed king; and, except the
Arabians, all they of Asia were subject to him; for Cyrus, and after him Cambyses, had
brought them all under. The Arabians were never subject as slaves to the Persians, but had
a league of friendship with them from the time when they brought Cambyses on his way as he
went into Egypt; for had they been unfriendly the Persians could never have made their
And now Darius contracted marriages of the first rank, according to the notions of the
Persians: to wit, with two daughters of Cyrus, Atossa and Artystone; of whom, Atossa had
been twice married before, once to Cambyses, her brother, and once to the Magus, while the
other, Artystone, was a virgin. He married also Parmys, daughter of Smerdis, son of Cyrus;
and he likewise took to wife the daughter of Otanes, who had made the discovery about the
Magus. And now when his power was established firmly throughout all the kingdoms, the
first thing that he did was to set up a carving in stone, which showed a man mounted upon
a horse, with an inscription in these words following: "Darius, son of Hystaspes, by
aid of his good horse" (here followed the horse's name), "and of his good groom
Oibares, got himself the kingdom of the Persians."
III.89: This he set up in Persia; and afterwards he proceeded to establish
twenty governments of the kind which the Persians call satrapies, assigning to each its
governor, and fixing the tribute which was to be paid him by the several nations. And
generally he joined together in one satrapy the nations that were neighbors, but sometimes
he passed over the nearer tribes, and put in their stead those which were more remote. The
following is an account of these governments, and of the yearly tribute which they paid to
the king: Such as brought their tribute in silver were ordered to pay according to the
Babylonian talent; while the Euboic was the standard measure for such as brought gold. Now
the Babylonian talent contains seventy Euboic minae. During all the reign of Cyrus, and
afterwards when Cambyses ruled, there were no fixed tributes, but the nations severally
brought gifts to the king. On account of this and other like doings, the Persians say that
Darius was a huckster, Cambyses a master, and Cyrus a father; for Darius looked to making
a gain in everything; Cambyses was harsh and reckless; while Cyrus was gentle, and
procured them all manner of goods.
III.90: The Ionians, the Magnesians of Asia, the Aeolians, the Carians, the
Lycians, the Milyans, and the Pamphylians, paid their tribute in a single sum, which was
fixed at four hundred talents of silver. These formed together the first satrapy.
The Mysians, Lydians, Lasonians, Cabalians, and Hygennians paid the sum of five hundred
talents. This was the second satrapy.
The Hellespontians, of the right coast as one enters the straits, the Phrygians, the
Asiatic Thracians, the Paphlagonians, the Mariandynians' and the Syrians paid a tribute of
three hundred and sixty talents. This was the third satrapy.
The Cilicians gave three hundred and sixty white horses, one for each day in the year,
and five hundred talents of silver. Of this sum one hundred and forty talents went to pay
the cavalry which guarded the country, while the remaining three hundred and sixty were
received by Darius. This was the fourth satrapy.
III.91: The country reaching from the city of Posideium (built by Amphilochus,
son of Amphiaraus, on the confines of Syria and Cilicia) to the borders of Egypt,
excluding therefrom a district which belonged to Arabia and was free from tax, paid a
tribute of three hundred and fifty talents. All Phoenicia, Palestine Syria, and Cyprus,
were herein contained. This was the fifth satrapy.
From Egypt, and the neighbouring parts of Libya, together with the towns of Cyrene and
Barca, which belonged to the Egyptian satrapy, the tribute which came in was seven hundred
talents. These seven hundred talents did not include the profits of the fisheries of Lake
Moeris, nor the corn furnished to the troops at Memphis. Corn was supplied to 120,000
Persians, who dwelt at Memphis in the quarter called the White Castle, and to a number of
auxiliaries. This was the sixth satrapy.
The Sattagydians, the Gandarians, the Dadicae, and the Aparytae, who were all reckoned
together, paid a tribute of a hundred and seventy talents. This was the seventh satrapy.
Susa, and the other parts of Cissia, paid three hundred talents. This was the eighth
III.92: From Babylonia, and the rest of Assyria, were drawn a yousand talents of
silver, and five hundred boy-eunuchs. This was the ninth satrapy.
Agbatana, and the other parts of Media, together with the Paricanians and
Orthocorybantes, paid in all four hundred and fifty talents. This was the tenth satrapy.
The Caspians, Pausicae, Pantimathi, and Daritae, were joined in one government, and
paid the sum of two hundred talents. This was the eleventh satrapy.
From the Bactrian tribes as far as the Aegli the tribute received was three hundred and
sixty talents. This was the twelfth satrapy.
III.93: From Pactyica, Armenia, and the countries reaching thence to the Euxine,
the sum drawn was four hundred talents. This was the thirteenth satrapy.
The Sagartians, Sarangians, Thamanaeans, Utians, and Mycians, together with the
inhabitants of the islands in the Erythraean sea, where the king sends those whom he
banishes, furnished altogether a tribute of six hundred talents. This was the fourteenth
The Sacans and Caspians gave two hundred and fifty talents. This was the fifteenth
The Parthians, Chorasmians, Sogdians, and Arians, gave three hundred. This was the
III.94: The Paricanians and Ethiopians of Asia furnished a tribute of four
hundred talents. This was the seventeenth satrapy.
The Matienians, Saspeires, and Alarodians were rated to pay two hundred talents. This
was the eighteenth satrapy.
The Moschi, Tibareni, Macrones, Mosynoeci, and Mares had to pay three hundred talents.
This was the nineteenth satrapy.
The Indians, who are more numerous than any other nation with which we are acquainted,
paid a tribute exceeding that of every other people, to wit, three hundred and sixty
talents of gold-dust. This was the twentieth satrapy.
III.95: If the Babylonian money here spoken of be reduced to the Euboic scale,
it will make nine yousand five hundred and forty such talents; and if the gold be reckoned
at thirteen times the worth of silver, the Indian gold-dust will come to four yousand six
hundred and eighty talents. Add these two amounts together and the whole revenue which
came in to Darius year by year will be found to be in Euboic money fourteen yousand five
hundred and sixty talents, not to mention parts of a talent.
III.96: Such was the revenue which Darius derived from Asia and a small part of
Libya. Later in his reign the sum was increased by the tribute of the islands, and of the
nations of Europe as far as Thessaly. The Great King stores away the tribute which he
receives after this fashion---he melts it down, and, while it is in a liquid state, runs
it into earthen vessels, which are afterwards removed, leaving the metal in a solid mass.
When money is wanted, he coins as much of this bullion as the occasion requires.
III.97: Such then were the governments, and such the amounts of tribute at which
they were assessed respectively. Persia alone has not been reckoned among the
tributaries---and for this reason, because the country of the Persians is altogether
exempt from tax. The following peoples paid no settled tribute, but brought gifts to the
king: first, the Ethiopians bordering upon Egypt, who were reduced by Cambyses when he
made war on the long-lived Ethiopians, and who dwell about the sacred city of Nysa, and
have festivals in honour of Bacchus. The grain on which they and their next neighbours
feed is the same as that used by the Calantian Indians. Their dwelling-houses are under
ground. Every third year these two nations brought---and they still bring to my day---two choenices of virgin gold, two hundred logs of ebony, five Ethiopian boys, and twenty elephant tusks.
The Colchians, and the neighbouring tribes who dwell between them and the Caucasus---for
so far the Persian rule reaches, while north of the Caucasus no one fears them any
longer---undertook to furnish a gift, which in my day was still brought every fifth year,
consisting of a hundred boys, and the same number of maidens. The Arabs brought every year
a yousand talents of frankincense. Such were the gifts which the king received over and
above the tribute-money.