from The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Chapter
The Greeks, after their country had been reduced into a province,
imputed the triumphs of Rome, not to the merit, but to the FORTUNE,
of the republic. The inconstant goddess, who so blindly distributes
and resumes her favours, had now consented (such was the language
of envious flattery) to resign her wings, to descend from her
globe, and to fix her firm and immutable throne on the banks of
the Tiber. A wiser Greek, who has composed, with a philosophic
spirit, the memorable history of his own times, deprived his countrymen
of this vain and delusive comfort by opening to their view the
deep foundations of the greatness of Rome. The fidelity of
the citizens to each other, and to the state, was confirmed by
the habits of education and the prejudices of religion. Honour,
as well as virtue, was the principle of the republic; the ambitious
citizens laboured to deserve the solemn glories of a triumph;
and the ardour of the Roman youth was kindled into active emulation,
as often as they beheld the domestic images of their ancestors.
The temperate struggles of the patricians and plebeians had finally
established the firm and equal balance of the constitution; which
united the freedom of popular assemblies with the authority and
wisdom of a senate-and the executive powers of a regal magistrate.
When the consul displayed the standard of the republic, each citizen
bound himself, by the obligation of an oath, to draw his sword
in the cause of his country, till he had discharged the sacred
duty by a military service of ten years. This wise institution
continually poured into the field the rising generations of freemen
and soldiers; and their numbers were reinforced by the warlike
and populous states of Italy, who, after a brave resistance, had
yielded to the valour, and embraced the alliance, of the Romans.
The sage historian, who excited the virtue of the younger Scipio
and beheld the ruin of Carthage, has accurately described their
military system; their levies, arms, exercises, subordination,
marches, encampments; and the invincible legion, superior in active
strength to the Macedonian phalanx of Philip and Alexander. From
these institutions of peace and war, Polybius has deduced the
spirit and success of a people incapable of fear and impatient
of repose. The ambitious design of conquest, which might have
been defeated by the seasonable conspiracy of mankind, was attempted
and achieved; and the perpetual violation of justice was maintained
by the political virtues of prudence and courage. The arms of
the republic, sometimes vanquished in battle, always victorious
in war, advanced with rapid steps to the Euphrates, the Danube,
the Rhine, and the Ocean; and the images of gold, or silver, or
brass, that might serve to represent the nations and their kings,
were successively broken by the iron monarchy of Rome.
The rise of a city, which swelled into an Empire, may deserve,
as a singular prodigy, the reflection of a philosophic mind. But
the decline of Rome was the natural and inevitable effect of immoderate
greatness. Prosperity ripened the principle of decay; the causes
of destruction multiplied with the extent of conquest; and, as
soon as time or accident had removed the artificial supports,
the stupendous fabric yielded to the pressure of its own weight.
The story of its ruin is simple and obvious; and, instead of inquiring
why the Roman empire was destroyed, we should rather be surprised
that it had subsisted so long. The victorious legions, who, in
distant wars, acquired the vices of strangers and mercenaries,
first oppressed the freedom of the republic, and afterwards violated
the majesty of the purple. The emperors, anxious for their personal
safety and the public peace, were reduced to the base expedient
of corrupting the discipline which rendered them alike formidable
to their sovereign and to the enemy; the vigour of the military
government was relaxed, and finally dissolved, by the partial
institutions of Constantine; and the Roman world was overwhelmed
by a deluge of Barbarians.
The decay of Rome has been frequently ascribed to the translation
of the seat of empire; but this history has already shewn that
the powers of government were divided rather than removed. The
throne of Constantinople was erected in the East; while the West
was still possessed by a series of emperors who held their residence
in Italy and claimed their equal inheritance of the legions and
provinces. This dangerous novelty impaired the strength, and fomented
the vices, of a double reign; the instruments of an oppressive
and arbitrary system were multiplied; and a vain emulation of
luxury, not of merit, was introduced and supported between the
degenerate successors of Theodosius. Extreme distress, which unites
the virtue of a free people, embitters the factions of a declining
monarchy. The hostile favourites of Arcadius and Honorius betrayed
the republic to its common enemies; and the Byzantine court beheld
with indifference, perhaps with pleasure, the disgrace of Rome,
the misfortunes of Italy, and the loss of the West. Under the
succeeding reigns, the alliance of the two empires was restored;
but the aid of the Oriental Romans was tardy, doubtful, and ineffectual;
and the national schism of the Greeks and Latins was enlarged
by the perpetual difference of language and manners, of interest,
and even of religion. Yet the salutary event approved in some
measure the judgment of Constantine. During a long period of decay,
his impregnable city repelled the victorious armies of Barbarians,
protected the wealth of Asia, and commanded, both in peace and
war, the important straits which connect the Euxine and Mediterranean
seas. The foundation of Constantinople more essentially contributed
to the preservation of the East than to the ruin of the West.
As the happiness of a future life is the great object of religion,
we may hear, without surprise or scandal, that the introduction,
or at least the abuse, of Christianity had some influence on the
decline and fall of the Roman empire. The clergy successfully
preached the doctrines of patience and pusillanimity; the active
virtues of society were discouraged; and the last remains of the
military spirit were buried in the cloister; a large portion of
public and private wealth was consecrated to the specious demands
of charity and devotion; and the soldiers' pay was lavished on
the useless multitudes of both sexes, who could only plead the
merits of abstinence and chastity. Faith, zeal, curiosity, and
the more earthly passions of malice and ambition kindled the flame
of theological discord; the church, and even the state, were distracted
by religious factions, whose conflicts were sometimes bloody,
and always implacable; the attention of the emperors was diverted
from camps to synods; the Roman world was oppressed by a new species
of tyranny; and the persecuted sects became the secret enemies
of their country. Yet party-spirit, however pernicious or absurd,
is a principle of union as well as of dissension. The bishops,
from eighteen hundred pulpits, inculcated the duty of passive
obedience to a lawful and orthodox sovereign; their frequent assemblies,
and perpetual correspondence, maintained the communion of distant
churches: and the benevolent temper of the gospel was strengthened,
though confined, by the spiritual alliance of the Catholics. The
sacred indolence of the monks was devoutly embraced by a servile
and effeminate age; but, if superstition had not afforded a decent
retreat, the same vices would have tempted the unworthy Romans
to desert, from baser motives, the standard of the republic. Religious
precepts are easily obeyed, which indulge and sanctify the natural
inclinations of their votaries; but the pure and genuine influence
of Christianity may be traced in its beneficial, though imperfect,
effects on the Barbarian proselytes of the North. If the decline
of the Roman empire was hastened by the conversion of Constantine,
his victorious religion broke the violence of the fall, and mollified
the ferocious temper of the conquerors.
This awful revolution may be usefully applied to the instruction
of the present age. It is the duty of a patriot to prefer and
promote the exclusive interest and glory of his native country;
but a philosopher may be permitted to enlarge his views, and to
consider Europe as one great republic, whose various inhabitants
have attained almost the same level of politeness and cultivation.
The balance of power will continue to fluctuate, and the prosperity
of our own or the neighbouring kingdoms may be alternately exalted
or depressed; but these partial events cannot essentially injure
our general state of happiness, the system of arts, and laws,
and manners, which so advantageously distinguish, above the rest
of mankind, the Europeans and their colonies. The savage nations
of the globe are the common enemies of civilized society; and
we may inquire with anxious curiosity, whether Europe is still
threatened with a repetition of those calamities which formerly
oppressed the arms and institutions of Rome. Perhaps the same
reflections will illustrate the fall of that mighty empire, and
explain the probable causes of our actual security.
The Romans were ignorant of the extent of their danger, and the
number of their enemies. Beyond the Rhine and Danube, the northern
countries of Europe and Asia were filled with innumerable tribes
of hunters and shepherds, poor, voracious, and turbulent; bold
in arms, and impatient to ravish the fruits of industry. The Barbarian
world was agitated by the rapid impulse of war; and the peace
of Gaul or Italy was shaken by the distant revolutions of China.
The Huns, who fled before a victorious enemy, directed their march
towards the West; and the torrent was swelled by the gradual accession
of captives and allies. The flying tribes who yielded to the Huns
assumed in their turn the spirit of conquest; the endless column
of Barbarians pressed on the Roman empire with accumulated weight;
and, if the foremost were destroyed, the vacant space was instantly
replenished by new assailants. Such formidable emigrations can
no longer issue from the North; and the long repose, which has
been imputed to the decrease of population, is the happy consequence
of the progress of arts and agriculture. Instead of some rude
villages, thinly scattered among its woods and morasses, Germany
now produces a list of two thousand three hundred walled towns;
the Christian kingdoms of Denmark, Sweden, and Poland, have been
successively established; and the Hanse merchants, with the Teutonic
knights, have extended their colonies along the coast of the Baltic,
as far as the Gulf of Finland. From the Gulf of Finland to the
Eastern Ocean, Russia now assumes the form of a powerful and civilized
empire. The plough, the loom, and the forge, are introduced on
the banks of the Volga, the Oby, and the Lena; and the fiercest
of the Tartar hordes have been taught to tremble and obey. The
reign of independent Barbarism is now contracted to a narrow span;
and the remnant of Calmucks or Uzbecks, whose forces may be almost
numbered, cannot seriously excite the apprehensions of the great
republic of Europe. Yet this apparent security should not tempt
us to forget that new enemies, and unknown dangers, may possibly
arise from some obscure people, scarcely visible in the map of
the world. The Arabs or Saracens, who spread their conquests from
India to Spain, had languished in poverty and contempt, till Mahomet
breathed into those savage bodies the soul of enthusiasm.
The empire of Rome was firmly established by the singular and
perfect coalition of its members. The subject nations, resigning
the hope, and even the wish, of independence, embraced the character
of Roman citizens; and the provinces of the West were reluctantly
torn by the Barbarians from the bosom of their mother-country.
But this union was purchased by the loss of national freedom and
military spirit; and the servile provinces, destitute of life
and motion, expected their safety from the mercenary troops and
governors, who were directed by the orders of a distant court.
The happiness of an hundred millions depended on the personal
merit of one or two men, perhaps children, whose minds were corrupted
by education, luxury, and despotic power. The deepest wounds were
inflicted on the empire during the minorities of the sons and
grandsons of Theodosius; and, after those incapable princes seemed
to attain the age of manhood, they abandoned the church to the
bishops, the state to the eunuchs, and the provinces to the Barbarians.
Europe is now divided into twelve powerful, though unequal, kingdoms,
three respectable commonwealths, and a variety of smaller, though
independent, states; the chances of royal and ministerial talents
are multiplied, at least with the number of its rulers; and a
Julian, or Semiramis, may reign in the North, while Arcadius and
Honorius again slumber on the thrones of the South.[7a] The abuses
of tyranny are restrained by the mutual influence of fear and
shame; republics have acquired order and stability; monarchies
have imbibed the principles of freedom, or, at least, of moderation;
and some sense of honour and justice is introduced into the most
defective constitutions by the general manners of the times. In
peace, the progress of knowledge and industry is accelerated by
the emulation of so many active rivals: in war, the European forces
are exercised by temperate and undecisive contests. If a savage
conqueror should issue from the deserts of Tartary, he must repeatedly
vanquish the robust peasants of Russia, the numerous armies of
Germany, the gallant nobles of France, and the intrepid freemen
of Britain; who, perhaps, might confederate for their common defence.
Should the victorious Barbarians carry slavery and desolation
as far as the Atlantic Ocean, ten thousand vessels would transport
beyond their pursuit the remains of civilized society; and Europe
would revive and flourish in the American world which is already
filled with her colonies and institutions.
Cold, poverty, and a life of danger and fatigue, fortify the strength and courage of Barbarians. In every age they have oppressed the polite and peaceful nations of China, India, and Persia, who neglected, and still neglect, to counterbalance these natural powers by the resources of military art. The warlike states of antiquity, Greece, Macedonia, and Rome, educated a race of soldiers; exercised their bodies, disciplined their courage, multiplied their forces by regular evolutions, and converted the iron which they possessed into strong and serviceable weapons. But this superiority insensibly declined with their laws and manners; and the feeble policy of Constantine and his successors armed and instructed, for the ruin of the empire, the rude valour of the Barbarian mercenaries. The military art has been changed by the invention of gunpowder; which enables man to command the two most powerful agents of nature, air and fire. Mathematics, chymistry, mechanics, architecture, have been applied to the service of war; and the adverse parties oppose to each other the most elaborate modes of attack and of defence. Historians may indignantly observe that the preparations of a siege would found and maintain a flourishing colony; yet we cannot be displeased that the subversion of a city should be a work of cost and difficulty, or that an industrious people should be protected by those arts, which survive and supply the decay of military virtue. Cannon and fortifications now form an impregnable barrier against the Tartar horse; and Europe is secure from any future irruption of Barbarians; since, before they can conquer, they must cease to be barbarous. Their gradual advances in the science of war would always be accompanied, as we may learn from the example of Russia, with a proportionable improvement in the arts of peace and civil policy; and they themselves must deserve a place among the polished nations whom they subdue.
Should these speculations be found doubtful or fallacious, there
still remains a more humble source of comfort and hope. The discoveries
of ancient and modern navigators, and the domestic history, or
tradition, of the most enlightened nations, represent the human
savage, naked both in mind and body, and destitute of laws, of
arts, of ideas, and almost of language. From this abject condition,
perhaps the primitive and universal state of man, he has gradually
arisen to command the animals, to fertilise the earth, to traverse
the ocean, and to measure the heavens. His progress in the improvement
and exercise of his mental and corporeal faculties has been
irregular and various, infinitely slow in the beginning, and increasing
by degrees with redoubled velocity; ages of laborious ascent have
been followed by a moment of rapid downfall; and the several climates
of the globe have felt the vicissitudes of light and darkness.
Yet the experience of four thousand years should enlarge our hopes,
and diminish our apprehensions; we cannot determine to what height
the human species may aspire in their advances towards perfection;
but it may safely be presumed that no people, unless the face
of nature is changed, will relapse into their original barbarism.
The improvements of society may be viewed under a threefold aspect.
1. The poet or philosopher illustrates his age and country by
the efforts of a single mind; but these superior powers of reason
or fancy are rare and spontaneous productions, and the genius
of Homer, or Cicero, or Newton, would excite less admiration,
if they could be created by the will of a prince or the lessons
of a preceptor. 2. The benefits of law and policy, of trade and
manufactures, of arts and sciences, are more solid and permanent;
and many individuals may be qualified, by education and discipline,
to promote, in their respective stations, the interest of the
community. But this general order is the effect of skill and labour;
and the complex machinery may be decayed by time or injured by
violence. 3. Fortunately for mankind, the more useful, or, at
least, more necessary arts can be performed without superior talents,
or national subordination; without the powers of one or the union
of many. Each village, each family, each individual, must always
possess both ability and inclination to perpetuate the use of
fire and of metals; the propagation and service of domestic
animals; the methods of hunting and fishing; the rudiments of
navigation; the imperfect cultivation of corn or other nutritive
grain; and the simple practice of the mechanic trades. Private
genius and public industry may be extirpated; but these hardy
plants survive the tempest, and strike an everlasting root into
the most unfavourable soil. The splendid days of Augustus and
Trajan were eclipsed by a cloud of ignorance; and the Barbarians
subverted the laws and palaces of Rome. But the scythe, the invention
or emblem of Saturn, still continued annually to mow the harvests
of Italy: and the human feasts of the Laestrygons have never
been renewed on the coast of Campania.
Since the first discovery of the arts, war, commerce, and religious
zeal have diffused, among the savages of the Old and New World,
those inestimable gifts: they have been successively propagated;
they can never be lost. We may therefore acquiesce in the pleasing
conclusion that every age of the world has increased, and still
increases, the real wealth, the happiness, the knowledge, and
perhaps the virtue, of the human race.
[] Such are the figurative expressions of Plutarch (Opera, tom. ii. p. 318, edit. Wechel), to whom, on the faith of his son Lamprias (Fabricius, Bibliot. Graec. tom. iii. p. 341), I shall boldly impute the malicious declamation, PERI\ TH=S P(WMAI/WN TU/XHS. The same opinions had prevailed among the Greeks two hundred and fifty years before Plutarch; and to confute them is the professed intention of Polybius (Hist. 1. i. p. 90, edit. Gronov. Amstel. 1670 [c. 63]).
[] See the inestimable remains of the sixth book of Polybius, and many other parts of his general history, particularly a digression in the seventeenth [leg. eighteenth] book, in which he compares: the phalanx and the legion [c. 12-15].
[] Sallust, de Bell. Jugurthin. c. 4. Such were the generous professions of P. Scipio and Q. Maximus. The Latin historian had read, and most probably transcribed, Polybius, their contemporary and friend.
[] While Carthage was in flames, Scipio repeated two lines of the Iliad, which express the destruction of Troy, acknowledging to Polybius, his friend and preceptor (Polyb. in Excerpt. de Virtut. et Vit. tom. ii. p. 1466-1465 [xxxix. 3]), that, while he recollected the vicissitudes of human affairs, he inwardly applied them to the future calamities of Rome (Appian. in Libycis, p. 136, edit. Toll. [Punica, c. 82]).
[] See Daniel, ii. 31-40. "And the fourth kingdom shall be strong as iron; forasmuch as iron breaketh in pieces, and subdueth all things." The remainder of the prophecy (the mixture of iron and clay) was accomplished, according to St. Jerom, in his own time. Sicut enim in principio nihil Romano Imperio fortius et durius, ita in fine rerum nihil imbecillius: quum et in bellis civilibus et adversus diversas nationes aliarum gentium barbararum auxilio indigemus (Opera, tom. v. p. 572).
[] The French and English editors of the Genealogical History of the Tartars have subjoined a curious, though imperfect description of their present state. We might question the independence of the Caimucks, or Eluths, since they have been recently vanquished by the Chinese, who, in the year 1759, subdued the lesser Bucharia, and advanced into the country of Badakshan, near the sources of the Oxus (Mémoires sur les Chinois, tom. i. p. 325-400). But these conquests are precarious, nor will I venture to ensure the safety of the Chinese empire.
[] The prudent reader will determine how far this general proposition is weakened by the revolt of the Isaurians, the independence of Britain and Armorica, the Moorish tribes, or the Bagaudae of Gaul and Spain (vol. i. p. 280, vol. iii. p. 362, 402, 480).
[[7a]] In the first edition this text read "... thrones of the House of Bourbon". In his Autobiography (I follow now a note of J.B. Bury), Gibbon adds a note: "It may not be generally known that Louis XVI. is a great reader, and a reader of English books. On the perusal of a passage of my History (vol. iii p. 636), which seems to compare him with Arcadius or Honorius, he expressed his resentment to the Prince of B-------, from whom the intelligence was conveyed to me. I shall neither disclaim the allusion nor examine the likeness; but the situation of the late King of France excludes all suspicion of flattery, and I am ready to declare that the concluding observations of my third Volume were written before his accession to the throne."
[] America now contains about six millions of European blood and descent, and their numbers, at least in the North, are continually increasing. Whatever may be the changes of their political situation, they must preserve the manners of Europe; and we may reflect with some pleasure that the English language will probably be diffused over an immense and populous continent.
[] On avoit fait venir (for the siege of Turin) 140 pièces de canon; et il est à remarquer que chaque gros canon monté revient a environ 2000 écus; il y avoit 110,000 boulets; 106,000 cartouches d'une façon, et 300,000 d'une autre; 21,000 bombes; 27,700 grenades, 15,000 sacs à terre, 30,000 instruments pour le pionnage 1,200,000 livres de poudre. Ajoutez à ces munitions, le plomb, le fer, et le fer blanc, les cordages, tout ce qui sert aux mineurs, le souphre, le salpêtre, les outils de toute espèce. Il est certain que les frais de tous ces práparatifs de destruction suffiroient pour fonder et pour faire fleurir la plus nombreuse colonie. Voltaire, Siècle de Louis XIV. c. xx. in his Works, tom. xi. p. 391. [] It would be an easy though tedious task to produce the authorities of poets, philosophers, and historians. I shall therefore content myself with appealing to the decisive and authentic testimony of Diodorus Siculus (tom. i. 1. i. p. 11,12 [c. 8], 1. iii. p. 184, &c. [c. 14, 15], edit. Wesseling). The Ichthyophagi, who in his time wandered along the shores of the Red Sea, can only be compared to the natives of New Holland (Dampier's Voyages, vol. i. p. 464-469). Fancy or perhaps reason may still suppose an extreme and absolute state of nature far below the level of these savages, who had acquired some arts and instruments.
[] See the learned and rational work of the President Goguet, de l'Origine des Loix, des Arts, et des sciences. He traces from facts or conjectures (tom. i. p. 147-337, edit. 12mo) the first and most difficult steps of human invention.
[] It is certain, however strange, that many nations have been ignorant of the use of fire. Even the ingenious natives of Otaheite, who are destitute of metals, have not invented any earthen vessels capable of sustaining the action of fire and of communicating the heat to the liquids which they contain.
[] Plutarch. Quest. Rom. in tom. ii. p. 275. Macrob. Saturnal. 1. i. c. 8, p. 152 edit. London. The arrival of Saturn (or his religious worship) in a ship may indicate that the savage coast of Latium was first discovered and civilised by the Phoenicians.
[] In the ninth and tenth books of the Odyssey, Homer has embellished the tales of fearful and credulous sailors, who transformed the cannibals of Italy and Sicily into monstrous giants.
[] The merit of discovery has too often been stained with
avarice, cruelty, and fanaticism, and the intercourse of nations
has produced the communication of disease and prejudice. A singular
exception is due to the virtue of our own times and country. The
five great voyages successively undertaken by the command of his
present Majesty were inspired by the pure and generous love of
science and of mankind. The same prince, adapting his benefactions
to the different stages of society, has founded a school of painting
in his capital, and has introduced into the islands of the South
Sea the vegetables and animals most useful to human life.
Edward Gibbon, The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire,
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(c)Paul Halsall, December 1996