Modern History Sourcebook:
John F. Kennedy:
Address on the Cuban Crisis October 22, 1962
Good evening, my fellow citizens. This Government, as promised, has maintained the
closest surveillance of the Soviet military build-up on the island of Cuba. Within the
past week unmistakable evidence has established the fact that a series of offensive
missile sites is now in preparation on that imprisoned island. The purposes of these bases
can be none other than to provide a nuclear strike capability against the Western
Hemisphere.Upon receiving the first preliminary hard information of this nature last Tuesday
morning (October 16) at 9:00 A.M., I directed that our surveillance be stepped up. And
having now confirmed and completed our evaluation of the evidence and our decision on a
course of action, this Government feels obliged to report this new crisis to You in
fullest detail.The characteristics of these new missile sites indicate two distinct types of
installations. Several of them include medium-range ballistic missiles capable of carrying
a nuclear warhead for a distance of more than 1,000 nautical miles. Each of these
missiles, in short, is capable of striking Washington, D.C., the Panama Canal, Cape
Canaveral, Mexico City, or any other city in the southeastern part of the United States,
in Central America, or in the Caribbean area.Additional sites not yet completed appear to be designed for intermediate-range
ballistic missiles capable of traveling more than twice as far-and thus capable of
striking most of the major cities in the WesternHemisphere, ranging as far north as Hudson Bay, Canada, and as far south as Lima, Peru.
In addition, jet bombers, capable of carrying nuclear weapons, are now being uncrated and
assembled in Cuba, while the necessary air bases are being prepared.This urgent transformation of Cuba into an important strategic base-by the presence of
these large, longrange, and clearly offensive weapons of sudden mass
destruction--constitutes an explicit threat to the peace and security of all the Americas,
in flagrant and deliberate defiance of the Rio Pact of 1947, the traditions of this nation
and Hemisphere, the joint Resolution of the 87th Congress, the Charter of the United
Nations, and my own public warnings to the Soviets on September 4 and 13.This action also contradicts the repeated assurances of Soviet spokesmen, both publicly
and privately delivered, that the arms build-up in Cuba would retain its original
defensive character and that the Soviet Union had no need or desire to station strategic
missiles on the territory of any other nation.The size of this undertaking makes clear that it has been planned for some months. Yet
only last month, after I had made clear the distinction between any introduction of
ground-to-ground missiles and the existence of defensive antiaircraft missiles, the Soviet
Government publicly stated on September I I that, and I quote, "The armaments and
military equipment sent to Cuba are designed exclusively for defensive purposes,"
and, and I quote the Soviet Government, "There is no need for the Soviet Government
to shift its weapons for a retaliatory blow to any other country, for instance Cuba,"
and that, and I quote the Government, "The Soviet Union has so powerful rockets to
carry these nuclear warheads that there is no need to search for sites for them beyond the
boundaries of the Soviet Union." That statement was false.Only last Thursday, as evidence of this rapid offensive build-up was already in my
hand, Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko told me in my office that he was instructed to make
it clear once again, as he said his Government had already done, that Soviet assistance to
Cuba, and I quote, "pursued solely the purpose of contributing to the defense
capabilities of Cuba," that, and Iquote him, "training by Soviet specialists of Cuban nationals in handling
defensive armaments was by no means offensive," and that "if it were
otherwise," Mr. Gromyko went on, "the Soviet Government would never become
involved in rendering such assistance." That statement also was false.Neither the United States of America nor the world community of nations can tolerate
deliberate deception and offensive threats on the part of any nation, large or small. We
no longer live in a world where only the actual firing of weapons represents a sufficient
challenge to a nation's security to constitute maximum peril. Nuclear weapons are so
destructive and ballistic missiles are so swift that any substantially increased
possibility of their use or any sudden change in their deployment may well be regarded as
a definite threat to peace.For many years both the Soviet Union and the United States, recognizing this fact, have
deployed strategic nuclear weapons with great care, never upsetting the precarious status
quo which insured that these weapons would not be used in the absence of some vital
challenge. Our own strategic missiles have never been transferred to the territory of any
other nation under a cloak of secrecy and deception; and our history, unlike that of the
Soviets since the end of World War 11, demonstrates that we have no desire to dominate or
conquer any other nation or impose our system upon its people. Nevertheless, American
citizens have become adjusted to living daily on the bull's eye of Soviet missiles located
inside the U.S.S.R. or in submarines.In that sense missiles in Cuba add to an already clear and present danger-although it
should be noted the nations of Latin America have never previously been subjected to a
potential nuclear threat.But this secret, swift, and extraordinary build-up of Communist missiles-in an area
well known to have a special and historical relationship to the United States and the
nations of the Western Hemisphere, in violation of Soviet assurances, and in defiance of
American and hemispheric policy-this sudden, clandestine decision to station strategic
weapons for the first time outside of Soviet soil-is a deliberately provocative and
unjustified change in the status quo which cannot be accepted by this country if our
courage and our commitments are ever to be trusted again by either friend or foe.The 1930's taught us a clear lesson: Aggressive conduct, if allowed to grow unchecked
and unchallenged, ultimately leads to war. This nation is opposed to war. We are also true
to our word. Our unswerving objective, therefore, must be to prevent the use of these
missiles against this or any other country and to secure their withdrawal or elimination
from the Western Hemisphere.Our policy has been one of patience and restraint, as befits a peaceful and powerful
nation, which leads a world-wide alliance. We have been determined not to be diverted from
our central concerns by mere irritants and fanatics. But now further action is
required-and it is underway; and these actions may only be the beginning. We will not
prematurely or unnecessarily risk the costs of worldwide nuclear war in which even the
fruits of victory would be ashes in our mouth-but neither will we shrink from that risk at
any time it must be faced.Acting, therefore, in the defense of our own security and of the entire Western
Hemisphere, and under the authority entrusted to me by the Constitution as endorsed by the
resolution of the Congress, I have directed that the following initial steps be taken
immediately:First: To halt this offensive build-up, a strict quarantine on all offensive military
equipment under shipment to Cuba is being initiated. All ships of any kind bound for Cuba
from whatever nation or port will, if found to contain cargoes of offensive weapons, be
turned back: This quarantine will be extended, if needed, to other types of cargo and
carriers. We are not at this time, however, denying the necessities of life as the Soviets
attempted to do in their Berlin blockade of 1948.Second: I have directed the continued and increased close surveillance of Cuba and its
military build-up. The Foreign Ministers of the Organization of American States in their
communiqu6 of October 3 rejected secrecy on such matters in this Hemisphere. Should these
offensive military preparations continue, thus increasing the threat to the Hemisphere,
further action will be justified. I have directed the Armed Forces to prepare for any
eventualities; and I trust that in the interests of both the Cuban people and the Soviet
technicians at the sites, the hazards to all concerned of continuing this threat will be
recognized.Third: It shall be the policy of this nation to regard any nuclear missile launched
from Cuba against any nation in the Western Hemisphere as an attack by the Soviet Union on
the United States, requiring a full retaliatory response upon the Soviet Union.Fourth: As a necessary military precaution I have reinforced our base at Guantanamo,
evacuated today the dependents of our personnel there, and ordered additional military
units to be on a standby alert basis.Fifth: We are calling tonight for an immediate meeting of the Organ of Consultation,
under the Organization of American States, to consider this threat to hemispheric security
and to invoke articles six and eight of the Rio Treaty in support of all necessary action.
The United Nations Charter allows for regional security arrangements-and the nations of
this Hemisphere decided longago against the military presence of outside powers. Our other allies around the world
have also been alerted.Sixth: Under the Charter of the United Nations, we are asking tonight that an emergency
meeting of the Security Council be convoked without delay to take action against this
latest Soviet threat to world peace. Our resolution will call for the prompt dismantling
and withdrawal of all offensive weapons in Cuba, under the supervision of United Nations
observers, before the quarantine can be lifted.Seventh and finally: I call upon Chairman Khrushchev to halt and eliminate this
clandestine, reckless, and provocative threat to world peace and to stable relations
between our two nations. I call upon him further to abandon this course of world
domination and to join in an historic effort to end the perilous arms race and transform
the history of man. He has an opportunity now to move the world back from the abyss of
destruction-by returning to his Government's own words that it had no need to station
missiles outside its own territory, and withdrawing these weapons from Cuba-by refraining
from any action which will widen or deepen the present crisis-and then by participating in
a search for peaceful and permanent solutions.This nation is prepared to present its case against the Soviet threat to peace, and our
own proposals for a peaceful world, at. any time and in any forum in the Organization of
American States, in the United Nations, or in any other meeting that could be
useful-without limiting our freedom of action.We have in the past made strenuous efforts to limit the spread of nuclear weapons. We
have proposed the elimination of all arms and military bases in a fair and effective
disarmament treaty. We are prepared to discuss new proposals for the removal of tensions
on both sides-including the possibilities of a genuinely independent Cuba, free to
detennine its own destiny. We have no wish to war with the Soviet Union, for we are a
peaceful people who desire to live in peace with all other peoples.But it is difficult to settle or even discuss these problems in an atmosphere of
intimidation. That is why this latest Soviet threat-or any other threat which is made
either independently or in response to our actions this week-must and will be met with
determination. Any hostile move anywhere in the world against the safety and freedom of
peoples to whom we are committed-including in particular the brave people of West
Berlin-will be met by whatever action is needed.Finally, I want to say a few words to the captive people of Cuba, to whom this speech
is being directly carried by special radio facilities. I speak to you as a friend, as one
who knows of your deep attachment toyour fatherland, as one who shares your aspirations for liberty and justice for all.
And I have watched and the American people have watched with deep sorrow how your
nationalist revolution was betrayed and how your fatherland fell under foreign domination.
Now your leaders are no longer Cuban leaders inspired by Cuban ideals. They are puppets
and agents of an international conspiracy which has turned Cuba against your friends and
neighbors in the Americas-and turned it into the first Latin American country to become a
target for nuclear war, the first Latin American country to have these weapons on its
soil.These new weapons are not in your interest. They contribute nothing to your peace and
well being. They can only undermine it. But this country has no wish to cause you to
suffer or to impose any system upon you. We know that your lives and land are being used
as pawns by those who deny you freedom.Many times in the past Cuban people have risen to throw out tyrants who destroyed their
liberty. And I have no doubt that most Cubans today look forward to the time when they
will be truly free-free from foreign domination, free to choose their own leaders, free to
select their own system, free to own their own land, free to speak and write and worship
without fear or degradation. And then shall Cuba be welcomed back to the society of free
nations and to the associations of this Hemisphere.My fellow citizens, let no one doubt that this is a difficult and dangerous effort on
which we have set out. No one can foresee precisely what course it will take or what costs
or casualties will be incurred. Many months of sacrifice and self-discipline lie
ahead-months in which both our patience and our will will be tested, months in which many
threats and denunciations will keep us aware of our dangers. But the greatest danger of
all would be to do nothing.The path we have chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths are; but it is
the one most consistent with our character and courage as a nation and our commitments
around the world. The cost of freedom is always high-but Americans have always paid it.
And one path we shall never choose, and that is the path of surrender or submission.Our goal is not the victory of might but the vindication of right-not peace at the
expense of freedom, but both peace and freedom, here in this Hemisphere and, we hope,
around the world. God willing, that goal will be achieved.
Source:
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© Paul Halsall, July 1998
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